Post by account_disabled on Mar 5, 2024 5:38:56 GMT
work is not a commodity” was integrated, and the well-known Brussels Consensus, heir to the Washington Consensus. What an evolution since that moment marked by the spirit of Philadelphia and the current situation of neoliberal labor law. Let's look at Spain. The Constitution incorporated the references of post-war social constitutionalism, following the model of the German and Italian constitutions, establishing the bases for the configuration of certain economic and social relations, constitutionalizing work and thus transforming the previous labor order of Franco's regime. . The analyzes of the labor block of our Magna Carta have highlighted for decades the importance of the constitutional order of the “democratic model of labor relations”, determined by two fundamental pillars. First, the integration of the capital-labor conflict and therefore the union, the right to strike and collective bargaining. Second, the integration of the right to work, together with the acceptance of the intrinsic inequality in relation to work and, therefore, of the necessary compensatory nature of the labor law. Our Constitution recognized the right to work in article.
Sánchez Iglesias , which I follow below. They pay special attention to how the Labor Reform affects young people , the most affected, but also the rest of the workers. The Labor Reform under the logic of deregulation, commercializes the employment relationship, or in other words, reinforces Australia Phone Number the unequal and asymmetric relationship between capital and labor, promoting supremacy and control over workers by companies. Baylos Grau defines it as “a classist norm that imposes the violent confiscation of decisive spaces of collective contractual power and basic labor rights linked to employment guarantees, substantially altering the architecture of balances that characterizes the relationship between capital and work, between free enterprise and the right to work, and which is manifested in the institutional structure of the right to work developed in our legal-constitutional system. The reform deconstitutionalizes the employment relationship by placing it again, as a private relationship, unrelated to social interest.
Cárdenas and Villanueva (2020) state that the instability of temporary workers has extended to stable workers, who are being laid off to a greater extent and sooner than before; At the same time, it is increasingly difficult for an unstable worker to achieve a standard contract. Therefore, the deregulation of the center would have increased instability and duality, that is, the labor market would simultaneously move towards precariousness and dualization. For Álvarez, Uxó and Febrero (2019), given that the Spanish economy is a wage-driven economy, the wage devaluation policy of the Labor Reform has reduced aggregate consumption (it is the sum of the consumption expenditures of all families and companies that belong to an economic system) and has negatively affected private investment without favoring exports. labor Returning to the beginning. The Spanish working class should be aware of the extraordinary damage to the world of work of the PP Labor Reform ; and which constitutes the greatest setback in the protection of workers since the advent of our democracy, as is mostly defended by numerous experts in Labor Law.
Sánchez Iglesias , which I follow below. They pay special attention to how the Labor Reform affects young people , the most affected, but also the rest of the workers. The Labor Reform under the logic of deregulation, commercializes the employment relationship, or in other words, reinforces Australia Phone Number the unequal and asymmetric relationship between capital and labor, promoting supremacy and control over workers by companies. Baylos Grau defines it as “a classist norm that imposes the violent confiscation of decisive spaces of collective contractual power and basic labor rights linked to employment guarantees, substantially altering the architecture of balances that characterizes the relationship between capital and work, between free enterprise and the right to work, and which is manifested in the institutional structure of the right to work developed in our legal-constitutional system. The reform deconstitutionalizes the employment relationship by placing it again, as a private relationship, unrelated to social interest.
Cárdenas and Villanueva (2020) state that the instability of temporary workers has extended to stable workers, who are being laid off to a greater extent and sooner than before; At the same time, it is increasingly difficult for an unstable worker to achieve a standard contract. Therefore, the deregulation of the center would have increased instability and duality, that is, the labor market would simultaneously move towards precariousness and dualization. For Álvarez, Uxó and Febrero (2019), given that the Spanish economy is a wage-driven economy, the wage devaluation policy of the Labor Reform has reduced aggregate consumption (it is the sum of the consumption expenditures of all families and companies that belong to an economic system) and has negatively affected private investment without favoring exports. labor Returning to the beginning. The Spanish working class should be aware of the extraordinary damage to the world of work of the PP Labor Reform ; and which constitutes the greatest setback in the protection of workers since the advent of our democracy, as is mostly defended by numerous experts in Labor Law.